This paper examines patterns of cultural learning in pastoralist societies and compares them to those found in hunter-gatherer societies. The study analyzed 198 texts from 13 pastoralist cultures in the eHRAF World Cultures database and found that most cultural skills and knowledge were acquired in early childhood, with parents and non-parental adults as the primary sources of transmission. Teaching was the most common form of learning across all age groups, with minimal variation in transmission between different age groups. While similarities were found between the cultural learning patterns of pastoralists and hunter-gatherers, pastoralists were less likely to mention learning from peers and more likely to mention learning via local enhancement and stimulus enhancement. The importance of teaching did not increase with age in pastoralist societies, unlike in hunter-gatherer societies.

This study tests a broad "risk response" hypothesis: environmental risk can reduce parents' involvement and care which, through its effects on children's behavioral strategies later in life, ultimately produces a larger cultural model favoring risky behavior. Examinations of extramarital sex, aggression, theft, and witchcraft support this hypothesis, leading the authors to suggest that child development is the underpinning of cultural adaptation in the face of environmental change.

This study tests the claim that male and female investment in the socioemotional and economic aspects of family life are inversely related. Results suggest that this hypothesis is not supported, although a significant inverse relationship between male and female infant care does exist.

How does the use of corporal punishment or physical discipline of children vary across hunter-gatherer and agro-pastoralist societies? Through a comparative analysis of 139 egalitarian and agrarian cultures, the author finds that 1. The use of corporal punishment against children is higher in agrarian societies than in hunter-gatherer societies, where it is absent or infrequently practiced, and 2. This difference in the use of corporal punishment is correlated with cultural parental attitudes, such as affection towards children, indulgence in children’s behavior, responsiveness to children’s needs, children’s autonomy, and father involvement. Low corporal punishment generally is related to more affection, higher indulgence, more autonomy of children, and higher father presence. The relationships are much stronger in agrarian societies.

The author, Candace Alcorta, theorizes that low population density gives rise to a suite of factors that together are predictive of a society with internally directed population control strategies. In turn, there is an emphasis for a cooperative internal economic system among family, and a higher investment by fathers in their children.

This chapter examines how sorcery, sin, and the superego function in societies to uphold taboos and other forms of social control. The author also explores the child-rearing conditions that are necessary to produce and maintain these cultural mechanisms. Several hypotheses are tested and all are supported.

Social scientists are equivocal as to the importance of teaching (as contrasted with other forms of learning) in traditional societies. While many cultural anthropologists have downplayed the importance of teaching, cognitive psychologists often argue that teaching is a salient human universal. Here the authors investigate cultural transmission among 23 hunter-gatherer populations to explore the relative importance of teaching among foragers.

This article examines the relationship between child training and supernatural beliefs. The authors develop a schema delineating the role of the supernatural in nurturance and punishment; ten hypotheses associating the role of the supernatural with various child training practices are tested. Several are confirmed.

High infant and child mortality rates are suggested to be one of the most enduring and important features of ancestral human environments, referred to as the Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness (EEA). These rates contrast with the very low rates of infant and child mortality among many industrialized nations since the 19th and 20th centuries. The authors compare data from recent hunter-gatherer and agricultural societies, historical records, and non-human primates in attempt to quantitatively describe infant and child mortality rates during the EEA.

This article tests a hypothesis regarding patterns of infant care in non-industrial societies. The authors find that a consistent pattern of infant care that emphasizes mother-infant contact exists among hunter-gatherers and other non-industrial societies. These infant care practices differ from those found in the United states that do not promote extensive infant-mother contact.