This article tests differing theories of why a man's marriage of his mother's brother's daughter is often encouraged while marriage of the father's sister's daughter is discouraged. Maintenance of relationships between bride-givers and bride takers is considered, as are the role of childhood sentiments in choosing a spouse.

This article tests differing theories of why a man's marriage of his mother's brother's daughter is often encouraged while marriage of the father's sister's daughter is discouraged. Maintenance of relationships between bride-givers and bride takers is considered, as are the role of childhood sentiments in choosing a spouse.

This article tests differing theories of why a man's marriage of his mother's brother's daughter is often encouraged while marriage of the father's sister's daughter is discouraged. Maintenance of relationships between bride-givers and bride takers is considered, as are the role of childhood sentiments in choosing a spouse.

This paper tests some of Levi-Strauss's pronouncements on Crow-Omaha kinship systems cross-culturally. The author tests the relationships between Crow-Omaha and Hawaiian kinship systems and cross-cousin marriage. Results suggest that both kinship systems will prohibit cross-cousin marriage.

This paper tests some of Levi-Strauss's pronouncements on Crow-Omaha kinship systems cross-culturally. The author tests the relationships between Crow-Omaha and Hawaiian kinship systems and cross-cousin marriage. Results suggest that both kinship systems will prohibit cross-cousin marriage.

The authors review and provide an alternative to Levi-Strauss's theory on unilateral cross-cousin marriage. Levi-Strauss theorized that matrilateral cross-cousin marriage (males marrying their maternal uncles' daughters) occurs more than the patrilateral form because the former promotes more "roundabout" woman-giving and overall social solidarity. He also states that the form of cross-cousin marriage does not depend on kinship linearity. In contrast, the present authors hypothesize that, among societies with unilateral cross-cousin marriage, patrilineal societies will have matrilateral cross-cousin marriage and matrilineal societies will have the patrilateral form. To justify their prediction, the authors point to the close, informal relationships fostered between males and their maternal uncles in patrilineal societies and between males and their paternal aunts in matrilineal societies.

This study examines relationships among descent, marriageable relatives, residence, family, and mode of production.

The present study aims to evaluate correlations of private property from two of Murdock's datasets, one of 147 societies (1981) and the other of 312 societies (1967). Altogether the author tested 146 variables coded by Murdock against variables regarding the ownership of land and of movables drawn from Murdock (1967), Simmons (1937), and Swanson (1960). In total, there were 51 statistically significant correlations between private property ownership and other variables. Additionally, the author summarizes the results from this article and the two that preceded it stating that throughout all of the correlations he ran, the practice of agriculture, the use of cereal grains, and the presence of castes and classes were the only variables that predicted private property in all of the datasets that were utilized.

Heider's theory of cognitive balance is applied to Levi-Strauss' discussion of the sentiment relations existing among four kin roles.

This article uses factor analysis to identify the key variables underlying the many cross-cultural associations reported by Textor (1967). Twelve factors are identified.