This article examines the frequency and emotional arousal of ritual. Cross-cultural tests support the existence of two modes of religiosity: doctrinal, with high frequency and low emotionality of ritual, and imagistic, with low frequency and high emotionality of ritual. Both euphoric and dysphoric arousal are considered. Associations between these two modes of religiosity and other features of culture (such as group size and the use of agriculture) are examined.

This article examines the frequency and emotional arousal of ritual. Cross-cultural tests support the existence of two modes of religiosity: doctrinal, with high frequency and low emotionality of ritual, and imagistic, with low frequency and high emotionality of ritual. Both euphoric and dysphoric arousal are considered. Associations between these two modes of religiosity and other features of culture (such as group size and the use of agriculture) are examined.

This article examines the frequency and emotional arousal of ritual. Cross-cultural tests support the existence of two modes of religiosity: doctrinal, with high frequency and low emotionality of ritual, and imagistic, with low frequency and high emotionality of ritual. Both euphoric and dysphoric arousal are considered. Associations between these two modes of religiosity and other features of culture (such as group size and the use of agriculture) are examined.

Do aspects of rituals behave in a systematic way cross-culturally? To answer this question, the authors of this article conduct two different studies. First, they analyze a cross-cultural sample of 651 rituals from 74 societies; to augment this factor analysis, they follow up with survey data collected from individuals in the US, Japan, and India. They find support for the claim that rituals have coherent underlying dimensions. In particular, they find that ritual experiences are clustered in somewhat orthogonal euphoric, dysphoric, frequency, and cognitive dimensions.

The second and third parts of this book classify the economic systems of foraging and agricultural societies in the SCCS based on correlations between their institutions of property an distribution. These economic types are then examined for relationships with other social, political, demographic, and environmental factors in order to draw tentative conclusions regarding the origins of the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions. The fourth part of the book uses cross-national data to examine similar associations in industrial/service economies, and is not included here.

Using phylogenetic methods, this research examines the relationship between landesque capital intensive agriculture ("permanent changes to landscape, such as construction of terraces and irrigation canals"(3631)) , political complexity, and social stratification amongst 155 Austronesian-speaking societies. Researchers attempted to find an underlying causality between the above mentioned variables, which have already been shown to be cross-culturally related. Results of statistical testing are most consistent with their being no clear causal link between the tested variables. The researchers claim this demonstrates social complexity and the multifaceted nature of cultural evolution.

Research sampled 143 societies from the Standard Cross Cultural Sample to test the relationship between honor culture, social rewards for warriors, and intergroup conflicts. Using mediation analysis based on multiple regression, and structural equation modeling, the research supported the theory that honor culture was positively associated with intergroup conflict, and that this relationship was mediated by social rewards for warriors.

This book examines the characteristics of warlike and warless foraging societies, as well as the transitional stages that occur when a society becomes warlike. Several predicted correlates of warfare frequency are supported.

In this article, the authors seek to reevaluate Nolan's (2003) study on the primary determinants of war. They reanalyze his hypotheses with what they claim are more robust measures and methodology. They conclude that there is only a little evidence supporting Nolan's theories, that more productive echnology and higher population density predict war, and that overall ecological-evolutionary and sociopolitical explanations of war are equally supported by empirical data.

Using t-test, generalized linear models (GLMs) and Bayesian regression models in a sample of 1188 pre-industrial societies, this study explores the research question: Why have foraging, horticulture, and pastoralism persisted into the 20th and 21st century? The authors test the marginal hypothesis and the oasis hypothesis of agricultural intensification. The first hypothesis suggests that foragers persisted because foragers predominantly inhabited marginal habitats that were typically unsuitable for agricultural purposes. The second hypothesis suggests that intensive agriculture emerged in regions characterized by limited biodiversity and a dependable water supply not reliant on local rainfall. In addition, the authors test whether specific kinds of biodiversity (elephants, malaria, and tsetse flies) correlate with agricultural intensification in African societies. The results support the marginal and oasis hypotheses, but only marginally support the African hypothesis, since only tsetse fly has a significant negative correlation to agricultural intensification.