This study investigated the difference in rates of violence of precolonial states and stateless ethnic groups in postcolonial Africa. The author hypothesized ethnic groups of precolonial states (PCS) would experience more violence, (i.e. coup attempts and civil wars) than non-PCS groups. The author suggested that because of PCS countries’ inability to allow rival ethnic groups into power positions in addition to the extra power PCS groups gained under colonial rule may lead to more violence.

This study investigated the difference in rates of violence of precolonial states and stateless ethnic groups in postcolonial Africa. The author hypothesized ethnic groups of precolonial states (PCS) would experience more violence, (i.e. coup attempts and civil wars) than non-PCS groups. The author suggested that because of PCS countries’ inability to allow rival ethnic groups into power positions in addition to the extra power PCS groups gained under colonial rule may lead to more violence.

Using a self selected sample of 33 ex British colonies and the Ethnic Power Relations database, the author sampled 170 ethnic groups from Africa, Asia, and the Middle East to test for association between precolonial state formation, colonial state building tactics, and modern ethnic conflicts. The author theorized that ethnic groups that were centrally governed before the colonial period were less likely to be recruited to colonial security forces, leaving them out of the picture during the formation of the independence movement and the formation of a post-colonial regime. This in turn is theorized to lead to greater contemporary armed conflict against the regime from which they were excluded.

This study investigates the presence of feuding, arguing that a solely evolutionary or functional approach misses important inter-societal factors. Results indicate that while fraternal interest groups are associated with feuding, the presence of war and level of political integration also increase the likelihood of feuding.

A study assessed whether individuals express discriminatory attitudes in family and political settings across groups defined by COVID-19 vaccination status across 21 countries. The study found that vaccinated people express discriminatory attitudes towards unvaccinated individuals at a level as high as discriminatory attitudes commonly aimed at immigrant and minority populations. However, there was an absence of evidence that unvaccinated individuals display discriminatory attitudes towards vaccinated people. Discriminatory attitudes towards the unvaccinated were found in all countries except for Hungary and Romania and were more strongly expressed in cultures with stronger cooperative norms. The study suggests that contributors to the public good of epidemic control, such as vaccinated individuals, react negatively towards perceived "free-riders," such as unvaccinated individuals. The study also suggests that discriminatory attitudes, including support for the removal of fundamental rights, emerged despite appeals to moral obligations to increase COVID-19 vaccine uptake.

A study assessed whether individuals express discriminatory attitudes in family and political settings across groups defined by COVID-19 vaccination status across 21 countries. The study found that vaccinated people express discriminatory attitudes towards unvaccinated individuals at a level as high as discriminatory attitudes commonly aimed at immigrant and minority populations. However, there was an absence of evidence that unvaccinated individuals display discriminatory attitudes towards vaccinated people. Discriminatory attitudes towards the unvaccinated were found in all countries except for Hungary and Romania and were more strongly expressed in cultures with stronger cooperative norms. The study suggests that contributors to the public good of epidemic control, such as vaccinated individuals, react negatively towards perceived "free-riders," such as unvaccinated individuals. The study also suggests that discriminatory attitudes, including support for the removal of fundamental rights, emerged despite appeals to moral obligations to increase COVID-19 vaccine uptake.

A study assessed whether individuals express discriminatory attitudes in family and political settings across groups defined by COVID-19 vaccination status across 21 countries. The study found that vaccinated people express discriminatory attitudes towards unvaccinated individuals at a level as high as discriminatory attitudes commonly aimed at immigrant and minority populations. However, there was an absence of evidence that unvaccinated individuals display discriminatory attitudes towards vaccinated people. Discriminatory attitudes towards the unvaccinated were found in all countries except for Hungary and Romania and were more strongly expressed in cultures with stronger cooperative norms. The study suggests that contributors to the public good of epidemic control, such as vaccinated individuals, react negatively towards perceived "free-riders," such as unvaccinated individuals. The study also suggests that discriminatory attitudes, including support for the removal of fundamental rights, emerged despite appeals to moral obligations to increase COVID-19 vaccine uptake.

A study assessed whether individuals express discriminatory attitudes in family and political settings across groups defined by COVID-19 vaccination status across 21 countries. The study found that vaccinated people express discriminatory attitudes towards unvaccinated individuals at a level as high as discriminatory attitudes commonly aimed at immigrant and minority populations. However, there was an absence of evidence that unvaccinated individuals display discriminatory attitudes towards vaccinated people. Discriminatory attitudes towards the unvaccinated were found in all countries except for Hungary and Romania and were more strongly expressed in cultures with stronger cooperative norms. The study suggests that contributors to the public good of epidemic control, such as vaccinated individuals, react negatively towards perceived "free-riders," such as unvaccinated individuals. The study also suggests that discriminatory attitudes, including support for the removal of fundamental rights, emerged despite appeals to moral obligations to increase COVID-19 vaccine uptake.

This article is a re-examination of Levinson's 1989 model of wife beating. Associations between social complexity, cultural support for violence, women's status, and wife beating are tested.

The present study attempts to replicate the Ember, Ember, and Russett (1992) worldwide finding that fighting rarely occurs between democracies in a sample of eastern African societies. Following the earlier study, the authors considered internal warfare to be an analog of international warfare and measures of political participation analogous to democracy. The researchers also explore if there is an association between political participation and committing atrocities. Contrary to past findings, internal warfare was not predicted by the same set of variables as the 1992 study, but there is an inverse relationship between committing atrocities and political participation. However, when additional variables were added, internal warfare was significantly predicted by less political participation.